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Thursday, May 26, 2011

Inside the Mind of a Psychopath

Scientific American


Inside the Mind of a Psychopath

Neuroscientists are discovering that some of the most cold-blooded killers aren't bad. They suffer from a brain abnormality that sets them adrift in an emotionless world



In Brief

  • Aided by EEGs and brain scans, scientists have discovered that psychopaths possess significant impairments that affect their ability to feel emotions, read other people’s cues and learn from their mistakes.
  • These deficiencies may be apparent in children who are as young as five years old.
  • When you tally trials, prison stays and inflicted damage, psychopaths cost us $250 billion to $400 billion a year.
  • Psychopaths have traditionally been considered untreatable, but novel forms of therapy show promise.

The word “psychopath” conjures up movie images of brutal, inexplicable violence: Jack Nicholson chasing his family with an ax in The Shining or Anthony Hopkins as Hannibal Lecter, his face locked into an armored mask to keep him from biting people to death. But real life offers another set of images, that of killers making nice: Ted Bundy as law student and aide to the governor of Washington State, and John Wayne Gacy as the Junior Chamber of Commerce’s “Man of the Year.” Psychopaths are likable guys when they want to be.

Between the two of us, we have interviewed hundreds of prison inmates to assess their mental health. We are trained in spotting psychopaths, but even so, coming face to face with the real article can be electrifying, if also unsettling. One of the most striking peculiarities of psychopaths is that they lack empathy; they are able to shake off as mere tinsel the most universal social obligations. They lie and manipulate yet feel no compunction or regrets—in fact, they don’t feel particularly deeply about anything at all.

So much of the way regular people make sense of the world is through emotion. It informs our “gut” decisions, our connections to people and places, our sense of belonging and purpose. It is almost impossible to imagine life without feelings—until you meet a psychopath. But psychopaths often cover up their deficiencies with a ready and engaging charm, so it can take time to realize what you are dealing with.

One of us (Kiehl) used to ask inexperienced graduate students to interview a particularly appealing inmate before acquainting themselves with his criminal history. These budding psychologists would emerge quite certain that such a well-spoken, trustworthy person must have been wrongly imprisoned. Until, that is, they read his file—pimping, drug dealing, fraud, robbery, and on and on—and went back to reinterview him, at which point he would say offhandedly, “Oh, yeah, I didn’t want to tell you about all that stuff. That’s the old me.”

This appearance of normalcy—the so-called mask of sanity—has bedeviled the study of psychopaths. Though guilty of the most erratic and irresponsible, sometimes destructive and violent behavior, they show none of the classic signs of mental illness. They don’t have hallucinations or hear voices. They aren’t confused, or anxious, or driven by overwhelming compulsions. Nor do they tend to be socially awkward. They are often of better-than-average intelligence. Add that they do not express true remorse or a desire to change, and it has been easy to view psychopaths not as victims of a dire mental instability but simply as opportunists. To paraphrase the dilemma: Are they mad or simply bad?

From the biblical Cain to the kunlangeta of the Yupi Eskimos and the arankan of Nigeria, nearly every culture on earth has recorded the existence of individuals whose antisocial behavior threatens community peace. But thanks to technology that captures brain activity in real time, experts are no longer limited to examining psychopaths’ aberrant behavior. We can investigate what is happening inside them as they think, make decisions and react to the world around them. And what we find is that far from being merely selfish, psychopaths suffer from a serious biological defect. Their brains process information differently from those of other people. It’s as if they have a learning disability that impairs emotional development.

In a collective throwing up of hands, psychiatrists have long written psychopaths off as beyond help. But now that science is unraveling the mechanisms behind the disorder, it’s time for that attitude to change. If specific physiological deficits prevent psychopaths from empathizing with others, forming stable relationships and learning from their mistakes, then elucidating them could lead to new treatments: medications, perhaps, or targeted behavioral strategies.

Kiehl has launched an ambitious multimillion-dollar project—funded by the National Institutes of Mental Health (NIMH) and Drug Abuse (NIDA) and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation—to gather genetic information, brain images and case histories from 1,000 psychopaths and compile it all into a searchable database. To speed the work, Kiehl helped to design a portable scanner—a functional MRI machine housed in a trailer—that can be brought inside prison walls, obviating the need for high-level clearances to bring dangerous prisoners off-site.

We believe psychopaths are as deserving of treatment as anyone with a mental illness, but you don’t have to feel sympathy to want to help them. Between 15 and 35 percent of U.S. prisoners are psychopaths. Psychopaths offend earlier, more frequently and more violently than others, and they are four to eight times more likely to commit new crimes on release. In fact, there is a direct correlation between how high people score on the 40-point screening test for psychopathy and how likely they are to violate parole. Kiehl recently estimated that the expense of prosecuting and incarcerating psychopaths, combined with the costs of the havoc they wreak in others’ lives, totals $250 billion to $400 billion a year. No other mental health problem of this size is being so willfully ignored.

Level Heads, Empty Hearts
A man we will call Brad was in prison for a particularly heinous crime. In an interview he described how he had kidnapped a young woman, tied her to a tree, raped her for two days, then slit her throat and left her for dead. He told the story, then concluded with an unforgettable non sequitur. “Do you have a girl?” he asked. “Because I think it’s really important to practice the three C’s—caring, communication and compassion. That’s the secret to a good relationship. I try to practice the three C’s in all my relationships.” He spoke without hesitation, clearly unaware how bizarre this self-help platitude sounded after his awful confession.

Charming as they may seem, psychopaths can also be tone-deaf because they lack access to their own feelings and those of others. Imagine what it would be like never to be depressed or anxious, never to have regrets or low self-esteem but also never to care deeply for anyone or anything. Psychopaths’ emotions are shallow: they feel irritated when they don’t get their way and turn to risky behaviors for the flimsiest of reasons. Bereft of loyalties and passions, they wander through life, often straying into criminality on a whim—forgeries, thefts, assaults, even murders may be committed out of some trivial impulse. As for complex emotions such as devotion, guilt or joy, theirs remains a textbook understanding—it has been said that they “know the words but not the music.”

Dozens of studies reveal that psychopaths experience the world differently from other people. They have trouble making appropriate moral value judgments and putting the brakes on their impulses. They are also hampered in how they respond to emotions, language and distractions—a disconnect that is sometimes seen as early as age five.

Psychopaths are curiously oblivious to emotional cues. In 2002 James Blair of the NIMH showed that they are not good at detecting emotions, especially fear, in another person’s voice. They also have trouble identifying fearful facial expressions. And a classic experiment in 1991 co-authored by psychologist Robert D. Hare of the University of British Columbia, a pioneer in the field (and a mentor to Kiehl during graduate school), found that psychopaths miss the emotional nuances of language. The investigators flashed real and nonsense words in front of prisoners, some of whom were psychopaths, and asked them to press a button when they saw a dictionary word. Psychopaths were as quick as nonpsychopaths to differentiate between real and fabricated words. But the experiment went a level deeper, because among the real words some had positive or negative connotations (“milk,” “scar”) whereas others were neutral (“gate”). For the nonpsychopaths, emotionally charged words leaped off the screen; their automatic brain responses, measured by electroencephalograms, showed a distinctive electrical surge, and they pushed the button faster. Psychopaths did not react faster to emotional words, and their brain waves did not change.

Evidence is mounting that language bedevils psychopaths in other ways. Psychopaths have trouble understanding metaphors—for example, they are more likely than others to judge as negative the phrase “Love is an antidote for the world’s ills.” Additionally, Kiehl found in a 1999 study that psychopaths make more errors when identifying abstract nouns—words such as “love,” “deceit,” “trust,” “dedication” and “curiosity.”

Yet another deficiency of psychopaths has to do with how they pay attention. In an ingenious gambling experiment, Joseph P. Newman of the University of Wisconsin–Madison, with whom one of us (Buckholtz) has worked extensively, showed that psychopaths have trouble shifting gears, even when their current strategy for obtaining their goal is failing. Participants were given a computerized deck of 100 cards that had been arranged so that nine of the first 10 cards were face cards, eight of the next 10 were face cards, seven of the next 10 were face cards, and so forth. They were told that each time they turned over a card they would receive a point if it was a face card and lose a point if it was not. They could end the game at any time. Players earned easy points at first, but as the odds worsened, nonpsychopaths noticed and stopped playing, usually after about 50 cards. Psychopaths, on the other hand, kept on until the deck was almost finished and their winnings had vanished.

Newman believes that the apparent callousness of psychopaths is actually the result of an attentional quirk: they do not take in new information when their attention is otherwise engaged. Previous research has suggested that psychopaths are unreactive: their palms do not sweat when they are exposed to foul odors or shown images of mutilated faces. But Newman and his colleagues recently demonstrated that psychopaths actually have normal physiological responses to unpleasant stimuli, like the threat of an electric shock—except when their attention is directed elsewhere. Once fixed on a goal, psychopaths proceed as if they can’t get off the train until it reaches the station. This narrowly focused, full-speed-ahead tendency, paired with the psychopath’s impulsivity, may produce the kind of horror described in In Cold Blood: an all-night torture fest that appears almost aimless, the work of two criminals who, having begun the violence, are blind and deaf to information that might halt it (such as a victim’s pleas), unable to turn away until it has been completed.

An Altered Brain
In 1848 a handsome, dark-haired young man named Phineas Gage was working as a construction foreman on the Rutland & Burlington Railroad in Vermont. He and his crew were clearing a rocky area when an accidental explosion blew Gage’s tamping iron—a heavy metal rod more than three feet long—through the left side of his face and out the top of his head. Such an injury seemed sure to kill or at the very least cripple him. But although “half a teacupful” of his brain leaked onto the floor, as the attending doctor recalled, Gage apparently never lost consciousness and on his recovery remained relatively fit. His compatriots noticed a change in him, however—one that was more disturbing than if he had lost the use of his limbs. Formerly savvy, even-tempered and responsible, Gage was now churlish and unpredictable, driven by his immediate passions. Gage’s story became a classic of neuroscience because it revealed that behavior, which seems a matter of personal will, is fundamentally biological.

Gage lost the use of a part of the brain called the ventromedial prefrontal cortex. Located behind the eyes, this area is structurally similar to its neighbor, the orbitofrontal cortex—which many scientists believe malfunctions in psychopaths. The orbitofrontal cortex is involved in sophisticated decision-making tasks that involve sensitivity to risk, reward and punishment. People whose brains are damaged in this area develop problems with impulsivity and insight and lash out in response to perceived affronts—much like Gage. In fact, such patients are often said to suffer from “acquired psychopathy.”

But transformed as Gage was by his accident, he did not show all the characteristics of psychopathy, such as lack of empathy. This fact suggests that other brain structures are also involved. One likely candidate is the almond-shaped amygdala, which generates emotions such as fear. Monkeys with amygdala damage walk right up to people. Psychopaths, too, are notable for their fearlessness: when confronted with images such as a looming attacker or a weapon aimed their way, they literally don’t blink.

But evidence suggests that one or two brain areas are not enough to produce the profound impairments of psychopaths. Kiehl recently proposed that psychopathy emanates from the paralimbic system, a group of interconnected brain structures that are involved in emotion processing, goal seeking, motivation and self-control. Supporting this hypothesis are fMRI images of psychopaths’ brains made by Kiehl and others, which show a pronounced thinning of the paralimbic tissue—indicating that this part of the brain is underdeveloped, like a weak muscle.

GET THE COMPLETE ARTICLE HERE

Sunday, May 1, 2011

America, the Great Satan, Poisons its Own and the World's Food Supply

Real Free Speech

America, the Great Satan.



MONSANTO our new "safe" food supplier



'Last ghost' of the Vietnam War: From: Governor

More than three decades after the fall of Saigon, the spectre of Agent Orange still haunts the estimated three million children and grandchildren of its initial victims. As Vietnam presses a reluctant U.S. government to help mop up the damage, the taint of the chemical concoction still lingers in a sleepy Ontario farming town that brewed millions of litres of the stuff for the American war effort
GEOFFREY YORK AND HAYLEY MICK

From Saturday's Globe and Mail

July 12, 2008 at 12:05 AM EDT

Hanoi and Elmira, Ont. — When the white powder started falling from the sky, the soldiers were puzzled. Usually the American planes dropped bombs. Now, they were unleashing clouds of something that looked like fog, smelled like garlic and burned their eyes.

"The whole earth was covered with it," remembers Tong Van Vinh, who was a 26-year-old truck driver in the North Vietnamese military at the time. "We thought they were dropping smoke bombs on us. We didn't know it was a chemical."

A few weeks later, Mr. Vinh began to understand the terrible power of the strange clouds. "The trees died. Even the grass died. When we went to collect branches and leaves to disguise our trucks, there were none left."

This was Agent Orange doing its job. Keen to destroy the enemy's crops as well as the forest concealing its troop movements and supply lines, U.S. forces had resorted to the most powerful defoliants they could find, dropping about 80 million litres in all. But the chemical concoction killed more than plants; laced with dioxin, it was one of the more toxic substances known to humanity – so toxic, in fact, that the man who invented Agent Orange spent much of his life trying to keep it from being used.

Enlarge Image

Nguyen Thi Kieu Nhung sits inside her family home next to the Danang airbase in Danang, Vietnam on Thursday, May 21, 2007. The girl was born with physical deformities, including twisted limbs, a misshapen head, and protruding eyes suspected by local health officials to have been caused by dioxin in the chemical defoliant Agent Orange.
(David Guttenfelder/Associated Press)
Photogallery
  • Agent Orange

"Nothing that you do in science is guaranteed to result in benefits for mankind," said U.S. biologist Arthur Galston, who died last month at the age of 88. "Any discovery ... can be turned either to constructive ends or destructive ends."

As the North Vietnamese soldiers were to discover, the "destructive ends" for Agent Orange were anything but fleeting; in fact, they have yet to subside. More than three decades after the fall of Saigon, the scourge known as the "last ghost" of the Vietnam War still haunts the children, and now the grandchildren, of its initial victims – an estimated three million people.

First sprayed in 1968, Mr. Vinh was plagued by muscular and skeletal disorders. But after the war ended in 1975, his health deteriorated rapidly. By 1994, he was paralyzed and spent six months in hospital, being fed liquids through his nose. He recovered, but not enough to work on his rice farm. Today, his voice is hoarse, he can't swallow solid food, his spine is numb and often he is too weak to walk or even to turn over in bed.

Dioxin interferes with reproduction, so Mr. Vinh's nightmare swept up his children and grandchildren as well. One son is blind and mentally handicapped. Another is deaf. A third has spinal problems. One daughter is partly paralyzed, another mentally handicapped, the third chronically weak with children born blind.

Vietnam estimates 400,000 people were killed or maimed by the defoliants, 500,000 children have been born with defects from retardation to spina bifida and a further two million people have suffered cancers or other illnesses. Yet they have received no compensation from those who produced the chemicals and those who made them a weapon of war.

Mr. Vinh survives on a $60 monthly pension – far from enough to cover his medical expenses, let alone those of his children. "We hope the U.S. will provide help for us," he says quietly.

So far, that seems unlikely. In February, a U.S. court rejected the latest appeal by Vietnamese victims who were suing the manufacturers of Agent Orange for billions in compensation. As an act of charity, Washington has offered a paltry $3-million not only to help treat the victims of America's biggest experiment with chemical-warfare tactics but to clean up the contamination that keeps adding to the toll.

The Vietnamese have suffered the most and received the least help, but they aren't the only victims. Agent Orange tainted everyone it touched, and so binds Vietnam not only to the United States, whose fighters also paid a price for the misery they created, but to Canada as well.

More than two decades after ailing U.S. veterans were awarded $180-million in compensation (in addition to the billions spent on their medical care), Ottawa is offering $20,000 each to an estimated 4,500 Canadian soldiers and civilians exposed when Agent Orange was secretly tested on a New Brunswick military base.

And just as Vietnam continues to press a stubborn U.S. government to help clean up the damage Agent Orange caused, a sleepy Ontario farming town is still struggling 40 years after the fact to rid itself of the fallout from a local chemical plant that brewed up millions of litres of the stuff for the U.S war effort.

WELCOME TO THE HOME OF THE 'TOXIDOME'

Susan Bryant steers her silver Toyota down a gravel lane in a cemetery overlooking Elmira, a community of 12,000 surrounded by lush farmland about 15 kilometres north of Kitchener-Waterloo, Ont.

But the 59-year-old English instructor at the University of Waterloo isn't here to commune with the dead. "There's the toxidome," she says, pointing beyond the barbed-wire fence to a massive, windowless structure. "My favourite view is looking back through the headstones."

Being next to a cemetery is a fitting location because the building is a kind of tomb – one designed to house the putrid remains of Canada's contribution to the Vietnam War. In the 1960s, the plant now known as Chemtura was owned by Uniroyal Ltd., one of seven suppliers of Agent Orange to the American military. About 2.6 million litres of the herbicide sprayed on the jungles and people of Vietnam were made here.

And like Vietnam, Elmira remains tainted by the experience: Dioxin still pollutes the soil in parts of town, its groundwater and, some whisper, its people.

The dome housed more than 46,000 tonnes of toxic waste that was generated by the plant, excavated in 1993 – more than two decades after Agent Orange production halted – and eventually shipped to a hazardous-waste landfill site near Sarnia, Ont. And yet the province has ordered a further cleanup, and local wells remain so poisoned that drinking water has to be piped in from Waterloo.

Even the cemetery is affected: The area adjoining the plant's old dumping ground is still too contaminated for burials. "I think," Ms. Bryant says dryly, "it could be a selling point: 'You will never decay. You will be pickled.'"

This long after the fact, few Canadians are aware of their country's infamous role in Vietnam, but the past weighs heavily on some.

"You'd do it all differently now," says Fred Hager, a chemical engineer who spent his 42-year career at the plant before retiring in 1986 as head of research and development. "Everybody would."

Now 88 and still a resident of Elmira, Mr. Hager will never forget the day in 1970 he travelled to Ottawa to test Uni-royal's herbicide with a new machine that could detect dioxin as low as one part per billion. The reading came back at more than one part per million – 10 times the level now generally considered safe.

"We shut the whole damn thing down," he says, "and made no more."

BEWARE THE LAKE OF THE KILLER FISH

The U.S. began experimenting with defoliants in Vietnam in 1961, giving its first lethal herbicides such names as Agent Purple, Agent Blue, Agent Green, Agent White and Agent Pink after the colour of an identifying band on the drums in which they were stored.

Agent Orange, which was based on research Mr. Galston had conducted at the University of Illinois just before the Second World War (others used his research notes after he enlisted), was the last and most potent concoction employed in the defoliation campaign initially called Operation Hades (later renamed Operation Ranch Hand).

Despite warnings that it could harm humans, an estimated 4.8 million Vietnamese were exposed. To make matters worse, the chemical was sprayed in concentrations higher than anything recommended for weed clearance even though by then the toxic effects of dioxin were well known. (Just one-millionth of a gram per kilo of body weight can cause birth defects and reproductive failure in laboratory animals.)

In total, the equivalent of at least 366 kilograms of pure dioxin were dropped. The compound takes decades to break down in the environment, and today millions of Vietnamese are still exposed to it in a series of "hot spots" where Agent Orange was stored during the war.

The cost of cleaning up just three of these sites has been estimated at $60-million, and an extreme example is Bien Hoa, a town not far from Ho Chi Minh City where 32,000 litres of Agent Orange that were spilled at an air base leaked into nearby Lake Bien Hung.

Now a placid pond shaded by willows in the middle of the town's most popular park, the lake remains heavily contaminated – sediment samples show dioxin at levels hundreds times what is safe. It teems with fish, but they are potentially deadly, so warning signs have been posted and 15 security guards work around the clock to keep people from catching them.

"Most people know it's contaminated, but they still go fishing here," one guard says. "We have to call the police to ask them to enforce the ban."

Nguyen Thi Gai, 66, lives in a one-room house on the edge of the park, and says her family often ate fish from the lake – until 1995 when tests found dioxin in the blood of her two teenage sons and in a well she had to stop using.

"I waited for years for the government to provide medical treatment for my sons," she says. "But they never gave us any treatment. So I had to treat them with traditional herbs."

This year, Vietnamese scientists asked for further blood samples from her family, but she refused, still angry at the lack of treatment.

Hatfield Consultants Ltd., based in Vancouver, has been documenting dioxin levels in Vietnam. "The lake should be sealed off and all fishing activities banned," company president Tom Boivin says. In fact, he adds, "removing the fish population is probably worth considering."

At another hot spot, the former U.S. air base at Danang, a key staging point for Agent Orange spraying missions, the company took blood samples from residents, expecting that their dioxin levels might be 10 times the international limit.

When some samples were 300 to 400 times that limit, "my eyes popped out of my head," Mr. Boivin recalls. "They were the highest levels ever recorded in Vietnam, and among the highest ever found in the world. If this was Canada or the United States, … the government would immediately bulldoze the site."

Instead, there have been long and frustrating delays, he says. "People have been talking about it for 40 years, and only now are they finally beginning to clean up the sites. It's ridiculous that it's taken so long. There's been a lot of stonewalling and political bickering. There's no excuse for it."

The U.S. government, he notes, has repeatedly demanded proof that the presence of dioxin and the Vietnamese health problems are related to Agent Orange.

"It's pretty mind-blowing. The Vietnamese had done tons of research, but they weren't believed until our results came out. The evidence is so strong. Study after study has clearly demonstrated that these sites are a very high risk for human health.

"Under international rules, the polluter pays, so the U.S. clearly has to step up."

So far, the U.S. has been unwilling to step up, except for the offer of $3-million, which is widely ridiculed in Vietnam. "That's only a dollar for each victim," says Nguyen Trong Nhan, vice-president of the Vietnam Association for Victims of Agent Orange. "How can they survive on a dollar?"

Dr. Nhan's group launched the lawsuit against the chemical companies in 2004 and now has lost the first two rounds but is determined to keep fighting. "We are very poor, and these U.S. corporations are very rich …," he says. "So we know it's very difficult. We must be patient. But we will continue."

They persist because the damage is far from finished. "The consequences for humans and the environment are very heavy, not just from the past 40 years but also for the next 40 years," explains Le Ke Son, editor of a toxicology magazine and director of a national committee to combat the effects of Agent Orange.

"There will be consequences for our great-grandchildren and for our great-great-grandchildren," he says.

"It has a much heavier impact on Vietnamese veterans than on American veterans. I think the U.S. government is afraid of these consequences, so they try to find ways to reject our court cases."

Vietnamese scientists, who have been studying the effects of Agent Orange for decades, are frustrated by the U.S. judges and lawyers who demand proof of a link to the devastating illnesses among Vietnamese veterans. They say that link is as strong as the one between cigarettes and lung cancer – but the evidence relies on statistical patterns, rather than documented proof in each case.

Dr. Son cites a recent study of 47,000 Vietnamese veterans and their children. Those who were exposed to Agent Orange had a much higher rate of cancer and birth defects. "Even their grandchildren had a higher rate of cancer."

Another scientist, Nguyen Ngoc Hung of Hanoi Medical University, points to statistics showing that the rate of birth defects is far higher in provinces that were heavily sprayed, but to prove this to the satisfaction of the U.S. courts, he says, may be impossible.

THE CASE THEY THOUGHT WOULD JUST GO AWAY

Coping with chemical fallout is a familiar burden to the people of Elmira, still grappling with the aftermath of poor disposal practices for wastes from the manufacture of Agent Orange and other chemicals. Local wells have been closed since 1990, when hazardous levels of a carcinogen (this time, not one associated with Agent Orange) was discovered.

Yet the Ontario government has given the company until 2028 to clean up the site, and no serious study has looked at whether area cancer rates are higher than normal.

Why? Activists such as Susan Bryant blame the politics of denial that characterizes Agent Orange battles around the world.

For example, it was only after years of lobbying by determined veterans that Ottawa finally agreed last November to pay $95.6-million for what happened at Camp Gagetown in 1966 and 1967.

Canadian commanders at the sprawling military base east of Fredericton needed to have brush cleared to conduct training exercises, so they struck a deal with the Americans, who needed a place to test their defoliants.

Former soldier Jim Cadger remembered seeing planes spew out the powder, green grass turn brown overnight and Americans soldiers who sauntered into the bar after a day's defoliation. "They stunk to high hell."

Now, the federal government is paying $20,000 to those who can prove that they lived on or within a five-kilometre radius of the base and developed a health problem that is associated with Agent Orange, which can include several cancers, diabetes and spina bifida, a congenitally malformed spinal cord.

Despite the settlement, a group of veterans and former Gagetown residents is pressing the government for more damages in a class-action lawsuit now winding its way through the Federal Court. They claim the 1966-67 time frame is too narrow and effectively shirks responsibility for spraying they claim went on for years before and after the Americans came to Gagetown.

"The hope is to make the government accountable," says Art Connolly, a spokesman for Agent Orange Alert, a group also pushing for an inquiry into the situation. "All we want is the truth … and to me that isn't too much to ask for."

The Vietnamese are asking for the same.

For more than 25 years, U.S. veterans of the Vietnam War have received huge sums in damages and medical benefits from the U.S government and the manufacturers that supplied it with Agent Orange. In 2006, their South Korean allies received a $63-million (U.S.) court-ordered settlement from two of the companies.

And now the Canadians at Gagetown have a package that so far has seen 1,483 cheques worth almost $3-million issued. Even a British soldier who was there at the time has received a special pension from his government.

In all, the various payouts surpass $25-billion, but the chances of the Vietnamese receiving something similar are increasingly slim.

The latest dismissal by their damage suit – which claims the U.S. chemical companies committed war crimes by supplying Agent Orange – frustrates supporters, who call it misguided and unfair.

"The government has already paid 20 to 25 billion dollars to the people who did the spraying," says Johnathan Moore, a New York lawyer who represented the Vietnamese plaintiffs. "How can you then deny compensation to those who were sprayed?"

The answer to that is a complicated mix of intricate legal manoeuvres, fuzzy science and the tricky issue of who bears responsibility for the aftermath of war.

In 1984, after years of arguing over health risks linked to Agent Orange, the seven chemical companies settled a massive class-action suit by U.S. veterans for $180-million after a judge persuaded them to buy themselves out of protracted litigation.

By 1997, after the last of the money had been paid out, 291,000 people had received benefits.

For the chemical companies, the settlement was the final chapter. "The assumption was that this would go away," says Peter Schuck, a Yale University law professor whose 1987 book Agent Orange on Trial: Mass Toxic Disasters in the Courts detailed the landmark case.

But they were wrong. For two decades, they faced a succession of new lawsuits, all of which were dismissed because, in the eyes of a U.S. Federal Court, the 1984 case had settled the matter.

Then, in 2003, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed an appeals-court decision that allowed Vietnam veterans who had opted out of the original settlement, or were diagnosed afterward, to sue the manufacturers.

The door was opened to a new wave of lawsuits, and American veterans weren't the only ones paying attention. Around the world, people injured by Agent Orange were inspired to take action.

In May, 2005, Mr. Cadger, who had worked at Gagetown as a communications technician, saw a CBC television report revealing that the U.S. military had tested Agent Orange at the base.

"I remember thinking, 'This is going to be another government cover-up.' And I got involved."

He joined other veterans and former Gagetown residents seeking redress, a group that included Mr. Connolly, who had spent part of his childhood at the base when his father worked in the army.

A year later, Mr. Connolly flew to Hanoi for a conference on illness and pollution related to Agent Orange that was also attended by delegates from South Korea and the United States.

It was a depressing trip – he toured an orphanage for children with ghastly deformities – but inspiring too, he says. A few months earlier, veterans from South Korea – the United States' biggest ally during the Vietnam War – had won their $63-million settlement from Dow Chemical and Monsanto. And then, on Sept. 12, the government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced that it would compensate the Gagetown residents.

Mr. Cadger, who had developed diabetes, received his $20,000 in December, paid a few bills and banked the rest. "I took it because I had it coming," he said of the money, "but it angered me more than anything."

Despite his anger, he conceded that he was better off than his Vietnamese counterparts. But last month, at the age of 64, he suffered a heart attack and died.

'WE KEPT HOPING WE WOULD HAVE A HEALTHY CHILD'

With his health problems and those of his children and grandchildren, Tong Van Vinh, the former truck driver, tells a sad tale. But it is no less heartbreaking than those of his roommates at Friendship Village, a huddle of buildings on the outskirts of Hanoi where Agent Orange survivors receive temporary respite and health assistance from their government and foreign charities.

Quang Van Tuoi, a 65-year-old veteran of the Viet Cong, shows a small photo of his youngest daughter, born with deformed limbs and mental handicaps. Her eyes are glassy and unfocused, and her body is partly paralyzed.

All five of his children, born from 1975 to 1994, have similar mental problems. "We kept hoping we would have a healthy child," he says. "But they all suffered the same illness."

Although the Vietnamese government tries to discourage Agent Orange victims from trying again if their first child is born disabled, most are impoverished farmers who rely on children for help. Persuading them to give up their dreams of having a large family isn't easy.

Some can't have children at all. Ha Van Mang, 64, was digging a bunker when the Agent Orange fell on him in 1968. Ever since, he has endured numbness and migraine headaches, and after the war, his wife gave birth to a son with no legs or hands.

The baby died two months later, he says, and "no matter how sorrowful we were, we were never able to have any more children."

Mr. Mang's body twitches uncontrollably, day and night, and he is tormented by rashes that feel like ants crawling on his skin. He feels guilty that he has been unable to work on his rice farm since 1978.

"I get headaches so strong that it brings tears to my eyes, and sometimes I just cry and can't do anything else."

Like Jim Cadger, he gets angry when he thinks of how the U.S. courts have rejected appeals from the only victims of Agent Orange yet to receive assistance.

"It's an injustice," he says. "An unfairness."

Geoffrey York is The Globe and Mail's correspondent in Beijing. Hayley Mick is a Toronto-based reporter with Globe Life.

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080711.worange1107/BNStory/Front/home/?pageRequested=all



--
Regards,

Eileen Dannemann
former director, National Coalition of Organized Women (NCOW)
www.ProgressiveConvergence.com
917 804-0786

Saturday, April 30, 2011

Reactive Attachment Disorder and Neurofeedback




April 24, 2011 at 16:21:20

Neurofeedback: A Treatment for Reactive Attachment Disorder


By Sebern Fisher (about the author)


In 1939, John Bowlby began what amounted to a campaign for the recognition of the primacy of attachment in the development of the human infant. Near the end of his life, in 1991, he reportedly expressed some measure of satisfaction that his ideas were gaining acceptance. It has only been within the last decade that attachment paradigms have become widely enough accepted to encourage widespread research and an increasing body of literature on theories of attachment and disordered attachment. Attachment research is still under-funded. Findings remain controversial in the field of psychotherapy, and in the arena of public policy, their implications go unheeded. Reactive Attachment Disorder, although having gained some recognition in the DSM IV, is still a misunderstood and underutilized diagnosis. Neurofeedback has met something of the same fate. Traditional biofeedback practitioners, already feeling their work trivialized by mainstream medicine, have been slow to embrace this new modality. The psychotherapy community is, at best, wary and in many instances, hostile to the neurofeedback interloper. In the January 2000 issue of The Journal of Clinical EEG, Frank Duffy, MD of Harvard Medical School said, "The literature, which lacks any negative study of substance, suggests that [neurofeedback] should play a major role in many difficult areas. In my opinion, if any medication had demonstrated such a wide spectrum of efficacy it would be universally accepted and widely used." None-the-less, for reasons he goes on to explore, this has not yet become the case. As neurofeedback is increasingly understood and accepted, it may well be those in the field of attachment and attachment disorder that embrace it most readily.

The widespread failure to recognize Reactive Attachment Disorder (to be referred to as RAD) and the lack of understanding of neurofeedback make writing about RAD and neurofeedback a somewhat daunting prospect. It is, however, timely. Allan Schore has written a detailed study of the interaction between not only the psyche of mother and infant but between the brain of mother and infant. [Throughout this paper I will use mother instead of primary caretaker. Although I believe that attachment can and does occur between an infant and a primary caretaker other than the mother, it is the mother-infant dyad that is central in human attachment. Although these effects can differ widely, there are, none-the-less, effects on every child who has lost his mother.] In his exhaustive work on the mother-infant relationship, Affect Regulation and the Origin of Self, Schore argues that the mother's affective attunement is not only the path to emotional regulation but to the regulation of its infrastructure, the brain, and further that it is from within this regulation that the infant develops her sense of self and other.

The DSM IV describes the essential feature of RAD as "markedly disturbed and developmentally inappropriate social relatedness in most contexts that begins before age 5 years and is associated with grossly pathological care". It goes on to further classify: "There are two types of presentations. In the Inhibited Type, the child persistently fails to initiate and to respond to most social interactions in a developmentally appropriate way. The child shows a pattern of excessively inhibited, hypervigilant, or highly ambivalent responses (e.g. frozen watchfulness, resistance to comfort, or a mixture of approach and avoidance). In the Disinhibited Type, there is a pattern of diffuse attachments. The child exhibits indiscriminate sociability or a lack of selectivity in the choice of attachment figures. By definition, the condition is associated with grossly pathological care that may take the form of persistent disregard of the child's basic emotional needs for comfort, stimulation, and affection; the persistent disregard of the child's basic physical needs; or repeated changes of primary caretaker that prevent formation of stable attachments (e.g. frequent changes in foster care). The pathological care is presumed to be responsible for the disturbed social relatedness." The DSM IV describes the course of RAD: "The onset is usually in the first several years of life and, by definition, begins before age five years. The course seems to vary depending on individual factors in the child and caregivers, the severity and duration of associated psychosocial deprivation, and the nature of intervention. Considerable remission may occur if an appropriately supportive environment is provided. Otherwise the disorder follows a continuous course". And on prevalence, it says, Ă´ Epidemiological data are limited, but Reactive Attachment Disorder appears to be very uncommon." Attachment therapists, most of whom would sadly disagree with the rarity of this condition, would add the following symptoms: lack of cause and effect thinking; lack of empathy; poor social cueing; lack of remorse; pre-occupation with blood and gore; fascination with knives; 'primary process lying' (lying about something that the other has witnessed); gaze aversion; tactile defensiveness; controlling behaviors; cruelty; explosive rages; impulsivity; instrumental relationships; insensitivity to pain; and co-morbidity with speech pathology, learning disability and Attention Deficit Disorder with Hyperactivity (ADHD).

Therapists also describe routine failure in treating these patients. The initial endeavor of psychotherapy does not necessarily require that a patient care about their treatment or about themselves. If these were requirements, then most therapies would fail. Therapy to succeed does require that the patient, in some way, care about the therapist. In this, RAD is self-defining as a disorder that cannot be treated. The RAD patient by definition lacks the capacity to care about the therapist. The therapist barely exists, and when she does, it is as a needs gratifying object or as a thin cognitive trace against a stark, usually unrecognized, backdrop of absence. He cannot care about the other because there is no other; in the absence of self there is absence of other. He lives as a child or adult within the mirrored reflection of the original infant state, one in which he had no experience of mother and, as a result, no experience of the reality of other or of self. Therapy with the unattached is a game of ghosts.

As suggested in the DSM IV description, RAD is a disorder of relational neglect, initially and profoundly, the mother's relational neglect of the child. Although many people with RAD have histories of trauma as well, the etiology of attachment disorder is not the trauma per se, but the trauma primarily as a further indicator of an environment of neglect. It is a disorder born from the significant failure of emotional and neurological attunement between mother and baby. Maternal depression can result in attachment disorders that are as profound as those that result from the mother's physical abandonment. The "passive" aspect of disorganized attachment is maternal non-presence. The "active" element is the installation of the mother's psychic state of abandonment. She is not psychically present and this evacuation of self becomes the object reality of the infant. Her state of absence becomes the state that the baby internalizes, the state of no one there. This mother is unable to recognize the reality of the "otherness" of her baby and in this lacks the capacity to protect or even wish to protect the infant whose survival depends on her. This psychic reality can and does exist even when the infant's basic physical needs are met, a fact that can make some situations of severe relational neglect difficult to discern.

Although maternal neglect and "pathological care" are the focus of this paper, it is not the only path to disordered attachment. The disruption to attachment that is inherent in adoption makes it a significant risk factor for attachment disorder, even when the baby is adopted at birth. There is growing evidence that the baby hears the mother's voice in utero, knows intimately the rhythms of her body and recognizes her smell and her voice immediately after birth. This sensorium of experience and expectation are the beginning of bonding and it is reasonable to consider that when this infant is put in different arms, and hears a different voice he feels an attachment shock. Like all shocks that children suffer, the good enough mother can soothe and mediate its power and she will be much more able to do so if she knows that a shock has occurred. "One gets the impression that children get over even severe shocks without amnesia or neurotic consequences, if the mother is at hand with understanding and tenderness and (with what is most rare) complete sincerity" (Ferenczi, 1931, p.138).

There is also the phenomenon of "bad fit". There are situations in which the temperament of the baby and that of the mother seem like magnetic poles, they cannot attract each other. "Bad fit", however, may have maternal or infant pathology hidden within it. The infant's contribution to bad fit is neurologically not psychologically determined. Some babies are born with severe tactile defensiveness, other cannot be soothed or cannot sleep and some are born autistic. These babies can profoundly discourage or even occlude the most devoted mother and the level to which they do this predicts the level of attachment disorder. Asperger's Syndrome and other more clinically demonstrative autistic disorders, which are all disorders of extreme overarousal, make it neurologically impossible for the child to emotionally comprehend the existence of the mother even in her adoring presence.

Although it is very important to understand problems that arise within the infant that can contribute to attachment dilemmas, I will be focusing on how attachment breaks affect the unimpaired infant. Further, there is growing clinical evidence, much of it from the practice of neurofeedback,that even in these extreme situations, beneath the press of the highly aroused nervous system there is the desire for attachment. Attachment is the fundamental drive in human beings. It is a drive that brings aggression and sexuality to its defense and to its enhancement, and it is the precursor to human love. It is gained through the delicate interplay of vocal tone and facial expression, through body to body communication, through the dyadic system of care that develops when the mother attunes to her baby. When attachment fails through the significant interruption or destruction of this system, the infant suffers not only what appears to be irreparable emotional harm but significant brain damage.

PET Scan studies reveal that men in the prison population who meet criteria for anti-social personality disorder have smaller right hemispheres than those of "normals". The right hemisphere is the part of the brain that is responsible for the regulation of affect and it is the hemisphere that develops most rapidly in the first 18 months. Schore argues that it is this part of the brain that most requires appropriate entrainment by the mother's brain to permit the development of affect regulation in the infant. Bonding involves the mother's modulation of her baby's affect through attunement to his needs for stimulation or arousal alternating with soothing and lowering of arousal. This process rides the waves of sympathetic and parasympathetic systems in both infant and mother and begins to encode the possibility of future self-regulation of state.

Psychoanalytic and dynamic theories have posited that babies internalize their mothers or their perceptions of their mothers. What is being suggested here is that babies not only internalize their mothers, they build their brains around them; that good enough mothers provide their babies with good enough brains. We may, in time, discover that unimpaired babies learn to fire their brains the way their mothers' brains fire and that without the organizing template of mother there can be no organization of firing patterns of higher order than limbic survival. (Interestingly, Gary Schwartz at the University of Arizona has been able to identify the EEG of the mother encoded in the EEG of the child and vice versa and speculates that the more bonded the pair the more pronounced the signal within a signal.)

One of Schore's core conclusions is that "the prefrontal lobe of the mother becomes the pre-frontal lobe of the baby". The prefrontal lobe sits behind the forehead and in the right hemisphere it is the part of the brain that organizes emotional agency. I am reminded of a film I saw in graduate school titled "Ben". In it, for purposes of the experiment, an emotionally attuned mother agrees not to respond to the smile of her well bonded six month old son. When he smiled, she made no expression. He looked momentarily bewildered and smiled again. She still did not respond. His face clouded and he began to look agitated but he tried again. This time when his mother failed to smile in return he looked alarmed and anxious and began to cry. His mother, who has been valiantly cooperative with the researchers up to that point, could stand it no longer. She picked him up and comforted him, holding and rocking him, cooing and mirroring his facial expressions. His equilibrium was rapidly restored. This entire interaction, as I recall, unfolded in less than two minutes.

Imagine, then, what it must be like for the child of a depressed or addicted or narcissistically absent mother who cannot provide this attunement and emotional repair. This child, too, will attempt to engage her mother; it is her nature. These attempts to recruit the mother could go on intermittently for weeks, months or even years. I am suggesting that, as was true for Ben, each failure heightens negative affect. The child experiences increasing levels of distress that, without predictable maternal intervention escalate into disorganizing anxiety until, finally, the baby gives up, affectively "burning out" and collapsing into a state of deep characterological despair. Her initial distress becomes fear that mounts into terror and then implodes into nothingness, a state beyond hopelessness, a state of no other and no self, a state too diffuse, too cellular, too absolute and too horrifying to any longer be recognized as fear.

Although she lives in this baseline state, the person with RAD rarely experiences either fear or grief. Just as empathy requires the recognition of self and other, learning to feel requires self and other. The baby develops her emotional repertoire in response to the responses of her mother. Joy, sadness, yearning, shame, and grief are dyadic emotions; they require the presence of the other. Fear and its second-level manifestations, anger and rage, are hardwired within the organism; they are affects of survival. In good enough mothering they are mediated by the soothing presence of the mother who teaches the baby that arousal can be mediated, and moment by moment and over time, how to mediate his own arousal. He internalizes her soothing presence. For those without this internalization, those with RAD, the only genuine affective state that survives is anger, an anger that readily escalates into rage. When the anger is cold, when even this aspect of the person is no longer warm, this is sociopathy, the unspecified "continuing course" of attachment disorder as described in the DSM IV.

These are the Romanian orphans, who need be neither Romanian nor orphans, the children whose faces look like bombed out buildings. They survive through instrumentality, often in the form of a superficial charm, but they fundamentally do not recognize the fact of the existence of the other, much less the needs of the other. Empathic failure is a significant manifestation of the state of 'no other' but it understates the extent of the damage. These are children and adults who live in barren, unpopulated internal landscapes. One adult patient of mine said, "I know this isn't possible but I live in a place without landmarks and without horizons. I don't know how I see it, but I do." She was describing the territory of motherlessness. Another described a dream in which she walked past her mother and saw that she, who looked at first three dimensional, was in fact only a cardboard cut out.

RAD then is the result of unmitigated affective arousal that obliterates the possibility of psyche. It occurs in the absence of the mother and in the installation of her state of absence. It is a disorder of stark overarousal, (in affective terms, unrelenting terror), and it is a disorder of the right hemisphere. It is a disorder of damage to the brain as well as to the psyche. The human being survives, but only as an instrument for survival. She is not harbored within the presence of the other or within a self.

Once we can begin to recognize RAD as a disorder in brain development in all realms, structure, chemistry and timing, we can also begin to see the possibilities for treatment through training the brain. This is vitally important. Attachment disorder in children predicts conduct disorder in adolescence and anti-social personality disorder in adulthood. To date, there has been no effective treatment developed to remediate RAD, particularly in its most severe forms. Traditional talk, play and behavioral therapies have failed this population because they do not and cannot address extreme emotional and neurological arousal. To date, there are no reliable psychopharmacalogical interventions. Even when a therapist recognizes the attachment issues before him, which is rare enough, there is little that he can do about the neurology of the disorder. Those RAD patients who regain awareness of sensation in their bodies describe feeling that they lack a sense of containment. It is as if their nerve endings do not stop at their skin but continue, unbearably, forever into space. There is no constraint on their nervous systems. In this light, it is not surprising that the controversial use of holding a child through the rage has claimed the most therapeutic success. Holding therapy has not, however, met with acceptance, as it is widely misunderstood as coercive and it triggers the current cultural fears around touching children.

To compound the problem of treatment, most young children with attachment disorders elude this diagnosis (unless they are in the small percentage who actually fail to thrive), often being diagnosed as ADHD or ODD. This means that most RAD kids are discovered in adolescence and often during the course of a criminal career. Their "treatment programs" are juvenile detention centers and then the prison system. Even if holding therapy demonstrated more efficacy than it has, this would not be a population that could use it. (It must be said here that although RAD is overly represented in the criminal justice system, not all people in prison are attachment disordered and not all RAD people are in jail. They are, sadly, well distributed through corporate boardrooms.)

Holding therapy, however, gives us a way to think about the neurological substrata of the attachment dilemma. Barry Sterman had successfully used neurofeedback to control seizures in cats. When he sought to replicate this work with monkeys, he ran into a predictable problem. His new subjects would pull the electrodes off their heads. This meant that they had to be restrained. After an initial struggle, at the point when they succumbed to the restraints, they produced a predominance of 12-15 Hertz, the very brain waves Sterman wanted them to make. Like the cats, they too learned to become seizure-resistant, and when they did, they also became calmer, more sociable and less aggressive. One has to wonder if this is also the mechanism, neurologically, that accounts for the successes of holding therapy. In the process of release into the hold, the child's brain begins to shift into a dominant 12-15 Hertz pattern, a pattern that is often described as the relaxation response. In this state shift, the child can begin to recognize the holding for what it is, rather than as a threat to her survival. She can begin to see her mother's face and may even begin to feel the yearning and grief that are the frozen feelings in RAD. It suggests that the key in successful holding is the induction of a change in brain wave activity that may mimic the brain activity of a relaxed infant, bonded to and held by her mother. It follows then that we can significantly impact people who suffer the ravages of brain disorganization that we call RAD if we can teach them how to produce these brain wave patterns. This is the potential of neurofeedback.

Neurofeedback is increasingly available as a clinical tool. It is a system through which people can learn to alter the timing and communication patterns in their brains through operant conditioning. Sensors are placed on the patient's scalp to record the real time EEG and then, as determined by assessment and protocol, they are provided feedback when they produce the desired brainwaves. People meeting criteria for RAD are often rewarded for increasing the amplitude of lower frequency brain waves from SMR (12-15 Hertz) to alpha (8-12 Hertz) in the right hemisphere of their brains. In this process, the RAD patient learns to change the timing of the right hemisphere and to reduce the arousal of the entire system. With the lowering of arousal come decreases in aggression and impulsivity. The individual not only begins to behave more pro-socially but to feel more pro-social. As the threshold of terror is reduced, he warms up, and he begins to feel a greater array of affective states. Over time this resetting of the brain's rhythms can translate into significant changes in state, and the state change translates into the person's perception of himself and others.

Several case histories will help to illustrate the effects of neurofeedback. T. is a thirty-two year-old man who was abandoned at birth and raised in orphanages and residential treatment centers. At age ten, he was adopted by a family ill-prepared to parent an attachment disordered boy. The adoption was terminated after a series of assaults on the adoptive mother, the last of which was a blow across her head with a two by four, provoked when she withheld a snack. He was returned to residential care until age 18 when he entered the correctional system. It was during this tenure in residential care, ages 13-18, that I was his therapist. It was T. who introduced me to attachment disorder. Nothing we did, including a course of holding therapy, affected him. He was unable to inhibit his aggressive impulsivity, he lacked cause and effect thinking, a fact that essentially made it impossible for him to learn emotionally, he could not generalize, and he felt no empathy or remorse. He was also unable to recruit empathy from others. Although he demonstrated some dependency on me, he never developed a real attachment to me or any other person in his network of care. He assaulted a female staff member, nearly choking her when he perceived her as taunting him; and on a camping trip to Maine with the program, he struck up a conversation with a family at a nearby site and left with them. This was more an act of indiscriminant attachment than running away. It never occurred to him (nor, evidently, to the others) that this might be a problem. He was in constant petty squabbles and unable, even with constant reminders, to understand the consequences of his actions.

During his most recent probation, at age 31, T. had a course of sixty neurofeedback training sessions. He felt it was the first thing that helped him. He never missed a session. Most importantly, he began to show the first stirrings of empathy and regret. After forty sessions, he called me to tell me he was worried about how he had treated a staff member. In all the time I'd known him, I had never heard him acknowledge the existence of another person (except as a tormentor) or any awareness that he had an impact on that person. He went on to say, "I still get angry, but it used to just keep going and going. Now, a half an hour later I am calling the person, apologizing and trying to make it right." Unfortunately, the training came too late as he had committed a second crime within two days of his release and was returned to jail. It is important to note, that I am the treatment control in this situation. For five years, I struggled with him in all known treatment modalities to little effect. He made significant progress in three months of neurofeedback, and he was able to recognize that this was the case.

The people in the system surrounding him expected the worst and felt burned out both by him and by their expectations of him. They were unable to discern the subtle changes in behavior and affect that were apparent to his therapist and to me. As T's arousal dropped, he began to feel an intense yearning that was difficult for him to articulate and which his psychodynamic therapist failed to recognize. Because he had re-offended, he was kept isolated, making this yearning even more unbearable to feel. His long-standing inability to recruit empathy and the lack of recognition of the awakening of yearning in him by his care providers undermined his recovery. From jail, he reports that he is better able to walk away from the taunts and provocations of other inmates and he may, for the first time, be truly suffering his incarceration. He is maintaining contact with me and with his neurofeedback therapist.

E. came to me after leaving a private psychiatric facility against medical advice. She was diagnosed with bipolar disorder, attention deficit disorder with hyperactivity, post-traumatic stress disorder, alcoholism, learning disability and borderline personality disorder. When I asked her mother whether she thought she was truly bipolar she responded, "If you think if you drive a car fast enough you can make it fly, would that qualify?" Although she had spent her first year in an orphanage, no one had considered the diagnosis of attachment disorder. She had multiple physical complaints including lack of co-ordination, clumsiness, chronic pain, irritable bowel, headache, constipation and asthma. She was unable to sit still during our first sessions together, reporting that she felt like she was coming out of her skin.

She reported that it was routine for her to drink to black out and wake up in the bed of an unknown man. She did not believe that she was an alcoholic but that she used alcohol to self-medicate, and she came to realize that she drank to allow herself to be held. In any other situation, she was touch aversive. She was unable to sleep, maintain relationships or work. She could not read, and not surprisingly, she was unable to concentrate. She had been in special education classes since she began schooling. In our initial sessions she talked of nothing but what man she was interested in, who was cheating on whom and complaints about the neglect of her parents, and all of this in a superficial and perseverative way. There was no room in this girl's state of chronic agitation and arousal for reflection or thoughtfulness, much less insight or connection with me. I was the vessel for her complaint. She was trying to manage a severely over-aroused nervous system in every way that she could, including men, alcohol and hospitalization. She was also prescribed, and was intermittently taking lithium and Paxil and Trazadone, but she felt they were of little use.

Within two months of beginning neurofeedback, E. had stopped drinking, and within three, no longer needed case management. She had stopped both the lithium and the Paxil with no ill effect. She established a relationship with a young man that has endured for three years. She was increasingly able to work regular hours, and she finished her college degree program. At one point during the therapy of 2 1/2 years and with over 150 neurofeedback sessions, she announced that she could now see what she was reading. I was astounded. I had no idea that she had been trying to read without the capacity to visualize. Neither, of course, did she. She also reported that one evening, while waiting for a movie she went into a batting cage with her boyfriend. She amazed herself (and him) by hitting 95% of the balls. She gradually became less explosive, and she warmed up, making it increasingly possible for her to engage in a sustained and emotionally deepened psychotherapeutic relationship.

E.'s therapy, however, was rocky. Neurofeedback presented us both with new clinical dilemmas. Most symptomatic behavior abated rapidly as she became neurologically, emotionally and physically more regulated. What emerged in its place were profound questions of identity. She said at one point, "I have never been more myself and never known less who I am.' E was beginning to experience affect regulation and it was, in fact, giving birth to a sense of self that was organizing so quickly that it took us both by surprise. She was familiar with the whirl of reactivity that had served her as a sense of self, but not with the core self that was emerging. As she began to wonder who she was, she also wondered who I was. I, too, was suddenly brand new to her, and she could not tolerate the transferential yearnings that were stirring in her. She turned the nearly intolerable yearning away from me and into her relationship with her boyfriend, with predictable complications.

She also felt critically disappointed that life was like it was. She had imagined a Hollywood version, and the new dailiness of life and her ability to cope with it felt, in some ways, more disheartening than welcomed. As she grew bored with drinking and drugs and with this crowd, she also felt unbearably lonely. At the same time, she grew calmer, more mature, warmer and better able to both advocate and care for herself. Her interpersonal judgment improved and she became less impulsive in all areas of her life. Although in some ways left bewildered by all that has changed, E. reports that she feels smarter, more resilient, more understanding and more competent. Her self-esteem has improved dramatically.

I met S. when my young tenants took him in for foster care, and I have been a consultant to them on his treatment. S. is a five year-old boy with a history of profound neglect and abuse. He was the first child of two kids who were themselves foster children, and he came to the attention of the Department of Social services when he was hospitalized after a fall from a third-floor window. It was revealed that he had been hospitalized at 18 months for failure to thrive following an apparent seizure. One of his parents also had a seizure disorder. Investigators further discovered that S. was left for days in a crib alone. He was placed with his grandmother, who apparently sexually molested him, and when he was returned to his parents there was a new baby, a sister whom he tried to kill. Both children were removed to foster care when S. was three and he once again tried to kill his sibling. He had to be removed from the home. He was further physically abused in the next foster home, and he may have attempted to set it on fire. His placement across the driveway came as an emergency response to this situation.

S., as one could predict, was severely attachment disordered and traumatized. He did not fall asleep until after midnight. Once he did, he lapsed into night terrors, during which he crawled on his hands and knees screaming "no, no, no." He would come awake at five to begin a day that was hallmarked by non-stop and entirely disorganized activity, high risk behaviors like climbing a tree to the top, pinching the cats, hoarding food, throwing tantrums, breaking objects, defecating on the floor and showing no capacity to take direction or obey his new care takers. He expected sexual abuse and engaged in sexual reenactments. He had no language and grunted and gestured to make his needs known. He made no eye contact. When you did see his eyes, they were vacant and momentarily flecked with terror. He resisted physical comfort, and he was terrified to be held. As it grew dark each night, he screamed without let up until he fell into the half conscious terror of night.

S.'s treatment began immediately. It included allowing him to eat all that he wanted from a diet of no sugar, no wheat and no dairy. He ate constantly. The foster parents gave him a bottle whenever he wanted it. He loved the bottle but he had to learn how to suck. They did hours of holding therapy daily. His foster father describes the style they developed as "Nazi parenting". They did not allow him to move without their permission. And they started daily neurofeedback training.

Within a week, his sleep was normalizing. When he was finally able to sleep, he slept for twelve hours a night without night terrors. It seemed as if he was making up for a lifelong sleep deficit. He still had numerous nightmares, but he could be comforted. If his sleep had not changed and had not changed rapidly, the placement would not have survived. Over the succeeding weeks his appetite normalized, and he began to share food. He began to use words and to better tolerate the holding sessions. Eventually, he even began to request them. He stopped the screaming that greeted the dark almost immediately after beginning neurofeedback. Through a combination of all of these interventions, S. has emerged as a loving and emotionally compelling human being. Eight months into his treatment and new family life, he greeted me when I arrived home. He ran across the driveway and jumped into my embrace. I was wearing dark sunglasses and he leaned away, still cradled in my arms, looked at me and with real dismay said, "Seboin, I can't see your eyes".

His parents remained alarmed over his indiscriminate attachment. He seemed to seek comfort from strangers as readily as from his mother. This disturbed her and left her feeling unrecognized and, at times, hurt. Although those familiar with attachment disorder would not find this problem unusual, I mention it here because the solution to it was as simple as it was profound. His mother sat down with him and taught him that they were his parents and this meant that they were the ones that he was to come to when he needed things. This fact had entirely eluded him. She described a light going on in his awareness, and with that one instruction he seemed to immediately organize his sense of primary attachment. It all fell into place for him and the parents reported no further episodes of inappropriate reliance on strangers.

This compelling case underscores not only the parenting needs of children like S. but also the neurological substrata of RAD. Every successful intervention has been one that moved this little boy toward regulation. He was held, fed, nursed, directed, redirected, and disciplined, all to enhance the possibility of regulation that was so drastically absent in his infancy. It is unlikely that neurofeedback would have been as dramatically helpful were it not for this gifted parenting and by demands for regulation in every quarter. It is equally clear, however, that without neurofeedback S. would be untreatable. No parents, regardless of their devotion could have sustained this onslaught. He has now had 180 neurofeedback sessions, and he is beginning kindergarten. The transition into school has evoked separation anxiety and renewed fear of losing his mother. This means, of course, that S. has, in his psychic reality, a mother to lose. Further, we know that he is experiencing this fear because he is able to articulate it to his parents. The classroom is chaotic and, for him, disregulating. He willneed help to make it through this transition. Some of this help will come from a one-to-one aide and some through increasing the frequency of his neurofeedback training sessions. His foster parents have finalized S.'s adoption.


Conclusion:

Neurofeedback training offers a remedy not previously available for reactive attachment disorder. It appears to address the core symptoms of sense of self and other, of emotional bonding, and of empathy,setting the stage for meaningful psychotherapy and reparenting. Reactive attachment disorder is, at its foundation, a disorder of brain regulation. Neurofeedback challenges the brain to regulate itself more competently in the emotional realm.

J.S. Grotstein, a psychoanalyst speaking from a psychodynamic perspective, was the first to propose a disregulation model for psychopathology. (Grotstein, 1986). His speculations raised the question about how the brain organizes itself in the domain of affect, a question that Davidson further elaborated (Davidson, 2000). Rodolfo Llinas found evidence for the disregulation model of certain neuropsychiatric syndromes with magnetoencephalography (Llinas, 1999). And McCormick proposed that certain neuropsychological disorders may be traceable to disregulations in thalamic rhythms (McCormick, 1999). Finally, Othmer and Kaiser describe how EEG neurofeedback can effectively normalize thalamic rhythmic activity and in doing so remediate certain psychopathologies, including autism, Asperger's, and RAD (Othmer, 1999). Jointly, these studies lay the theoretical basis for the results presented in this paper.

Neurofeedback is a technique of operant conditioning which directly changes brain function, in particular the timing of specific regulatory networks in the brain. It most dramatically affects arousal regulation. In so doing, this 'brain training' can normalize the propensity to high arousal seen as the hallmark of Reactive Attachment Disorder. More specifically, it can exercise the cortical-subcortical circuitry involved in emotional regulation and fear response. Theories that the brain organizes itself through regulation of timing supports clinical experience that neurofeedback addresses even the stark baseline fear which is the affective underpinning of RAD, as well as its multiple manifestations or co-morbidities: sleep disorder, hyperactivity, learning disabilities, explosive disorder, oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder. Clinical experience with neurofeedback further suggests that despite Schore's observation of a specific time window for the learning of emotional regulation, we are not dealing with a "critical period" in which such learning has to occur or it remains forever unlearned. The "wiring" for attachment (the drive) is in place before or at birth, and under the right set of conditions it can be activated. Neurofeedback has proven itself one of these conditions.

In RAD, the most devastating reality is the absence of the other, the internal experience of no other. In every case I have seen to date in which neurofeedback has been used, the person with RAD begins to recognize the existence of an other. Their internal landscapes develop horizons, and they find three-dimensional people there. As their arousal set point comes down, and they begin to recognize the existence of the other, they begin to experience a new organization of self in relation to the other. As I have suggested above, this is not without its hazards, but it makes treatment of these hazards possible through more traditional interpersonal psychotherapies. My experience and that of many others suggests that the introduction of neurofeedback makes Reactive Attachment Disorder a condition that can be, finally, successfully treated.

References

Davidson, Richard J.; Putnam, Katherine M.; Larson, Christine L., Dysfunction in the Neural Circuitry of Emotion Regulation---A Possible Prelude to Violence. Science, 289, pp591-594, 28 July, 2000

Grotstein, J.S. (1986). The psychology of powerlessness. Disorders of self-regulation and interactional regulation as a new paradigm for psychopathology. Psychoanalytic Inquiry, 6, 93-118.

Llinas, Rodolfo R., Ribari, Urs; Jeanmonod, Daniel; Kronberg, Eugene; Mitra, Martha P. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 96, #26, pp. 15222-15227, December 21, 1999.

McCormick, David A. Are thalamocortical rhythms the rosetta stone of a subset of neurological disorders? Nature Medicine, 5, #12, pp1349-1351, December 1999.

Othmer, Siegfried; Othmer, Susan; Kaiser, David A. EEG Biofeedback: An Emerging Model for its Global Efficacy. In Introduction to Quantitative EEG and Neurofeedback, Evans and Abarbanel, editors, Academic Press, 1999, pp. 243-309.

Schore, Allan N., Affect Regulation and the Origin of Self, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, 1994.

Sebern F. Fisher
34 Elizabeth Street
Northampton, Ma 01060

Image from youtube video

reprinted from eegspectrum.com


Sebern Fisher is a psychodynamic psychotherapist with a primary interest in the importance of secure attachment throughout the life span. She incorporated neurofeedback into her clinical practice in 1997. The effects of brain training that she (more...)

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author
and do not necessarily reflect those of this website or its editors.

Sunday, April 17, 2011

Mother Nature Gets Naughty: Eco-Friendly Sex Toys

On The Issues Magazine Online link to current issue homepage


The Ecology of Women issue of On The Issue Magazine

Mother Nature Gets Naughty: Eco-Friendly Sex Toys
by Elizabeth Black

I am a copywriter for a sex toys company in England, and, for several years, I've written articles reviewing new products for American and English sex toys company magazines. Consumers today are demanding that manufacturers make sex toys from healthier materials, and now companies are beginning to respond.

The problem with sex toys arises because many popular sex items are made from phthalates, a jelly-like material that has been identified as a possible health risk. Since you insert sex toys into your body, you are directly exposing not only your outer body to phthalates, but also your internal organs, especially your sex organs. If you are pregnant, you could be exposing your fetus to toxic chemicals, a particular risk to in utero development.

You'll find phthalates – sometimes referred to as plasticizers -- in many products you take for granted, including sex toys. You can conduct a first-step screening of your existing cache of sex toys for phthalates. Stephanie Iris Weiss, author of the book Eco-Sex: Go Green Between The Sheets And Make your Love Life Sustainable, explains: "(G)ive it a good sniff – does it smell like a vinyl shower curtain? If so, you can bet your bottom dollar that it's full of stuff you don't want in your nether regions." What you're smelling are the effects of “off-gassing" – remember that new car smell? -- in which products leak toxic gasses into the air. In the case of sex products, that means that these products that are also leaching inside your or your partner’s body.

As described in January 2011 Canadian news report, announcing restrictions on the use of six phthalates in new children’s toys and certain child-care projects in Canada, phthalates can be found in a wide range of consumer items, including perfumes, nail polish, vinyl floors, detergents, lubricants, food packaging, soap, paint, shampoo, toys, air fresheners and plastic bags. They are used to hold color and scents in products. You also may be exposed to phthalates through the chemical leaching into your food or through the general environment.

Because phthalates fall into a category of chemicals that can act as endocrine disruptors, they may interfere with the proper functioning or development of hormones. In brief, this means that they also can affect reproductive systems. (Articles in this edition of On The Issues Magazine by Michelle Chen and Laura Eldridge describe in more depth research on the risks of endocrine disruptors to human health.) Some of the male adverse health effects being linked to phthalates in animals include hypospadias (a defect in which the opening to the penis is not at the tip), smaller penis size, small scrotum, low sperm count, lack of sperm mobility and sperm damage; and in females, early puberty in girls and breast cancer.

Sex toys companies are eliminating possible hazards

With the growing science indicating that phthalates are hazardous to your health, consumers and sex toys companies are looking to eliminate possible hazards from their sex play products.

If you are unsure of the materials in your sex toy, don't merely put a condom over your questionable sex product. It's best to replace them with toys made of newer, safer materials that do not include phthalates. Older toys were "porous and leaked chemical goo," according to Weiss, and since they were and continue to be labeled as novelty products, unlike children’s toys, their ingredients have largely gone unregulated. If a sex toy is cracked or has lost its sheen, it’s time to put it aside, especially if made before alternative materials became available.

Body Safe

Fortunately, there are now better options. The American sex toys companies Babeland and Good Vibrations have completely phased out sex toys containing phthalates. Instead, they sell pleasure devices made from safer materials, such as medical-grade silicone, glass, elastomer rubber, stainless steel, and even wood. Silicone and rubber are substituted for jelly to make sex toys skin-safe for those with allergies, and the other materials are much healthier than plastic.

Some sex toy manufacturers, such as Lelo, JimmyJane, Vixskin, Coco de Mer, Luxotiq, We-Vibe, Fun Factory, Tantus, and Couture Toys. are producing only phthalates-free sex toys.

Read the packaging materials closely, suggests Weiss. Several phthalates are of concern for risk to human health, according to the environmental health and safety website, Is It In Us?: di-2-ethylhexyl (DEHP); benzylbutyl phthalate (BzBP), dibutyl phthalate (DBP; diethyl phthalate (DEP). If you see one of these items listed on packaging, it’s not the way to go.

Weiss says that consumers should beware of sex toy packaging that claims a toy is safe or that says it is "hygienically superior" (or similar quality claims), or that use fancy names for materials to hide what is actually used in the product. Sometimes companies use deceptively similar spellings on products -- “silicon" instead of “silicone." Other packaging uses a sleight-of-hand, for instance, identifying a sex toy as being made of silicone, but, in actuality, the toy contains only a minute amount of silicone, while being chock full of much less healthy ingredients. One tip, says Weiss: products that are not using the genuine materials often place a trademark or registered symbol after the name of product material because they are made-up marketing terms. Those using the actual safe and genuine ingredients, such as silicone or stainless steel, will not bear a trademark because those materials, like silver or pearls, can’t be “owned" or subjected to name ownership.

“And if you're buying new, of course, go for something long lasting, with rechargeable batteries and designed to last," recommends Weiss.

Disposing of old sex toys in an eco-friendly fashion can be an even more daunting project than buying them. Instead of throwing old products in a landfill, sex toy recycling programs offer an alternative, but they are hard to find, especially in the U.S. “The UK is way ahead of us in this regard (check out Love Honey)," said Weiss in an email. She hasn’t found U.S. companies to be reliable in this regard. "I await better news from the industry," said Weiss. “So for now, I'd say hold onto what you've got, and hopefully someone will take the helm."

The biggest eco-sex pet peeve, Weiss said in an interview in MindBodyGreen.com, is the mistaken belief that people may think being eco-friendly will take all the fun out of their sex play. "I hate that people think going green in the bedroom is a bummer -- it's just the opposite," Weiss said. "Going green enhances one's sex life and relationships -- it brings you into closer touch with your sensual self and heightens your awareness. What could be more conducive to getting more pleasure?"

Most important of all, enjoy using your sex toys alone or with a partner. Remember, your sexual health is an important part of your life.


Elizabeth Black was the sex columnist for the British pop culture e-zine, nuts4chic, until it folded in 2008. Her articles about sex, erotica, and relationships have appeared in Good Vibrations Magazine, Alternet, CarnalNation, the Ms. Magazine Blog, Sexis Magazine, On The Issues Magazine, Sexy Mama Magazine, and Circlet Press blog. In addition, she pens erotic fiction, including erotica and erotic romance. Her books may be found on her web site

Also see: Adding Environmental Footprints to Birth Control Choices by Laura Eldridge in this edition of On The Issues Magazine

Also see: Little Girl Lost: Early Puberty Hides Environmental Injustice by Michelle Chen in this edition of On The Issues Magazine

Visit The Café of On The Issues Magazine for new stories and updates.

You Can't Beat Sustainable Green Sex

THINK ABOUT IT
CLIMATE CHANGE

TH!NK post

Climate Change Through Responsible Sex

The Conferences of Parties promising little, the MDGs proposed by UN are probably the best thing we have for us. Despite disappointing achievent of these goals by many countries, these are, at least where the world generally has an agreement. I see these MDGs as an orientation course for the world leaders and population for the ensuing changes of life and emergence of a new sustainable order of our growth and existence. Of the eight goals almost all are based on some common principles like: improved quality of life, empowerment of women, lower child mortality, better health and awareness. Environmental Sustainability also figures as one of the goals, but in my opinion the whole concept of MDGs is deeply rooted in sustainability – these are not interim goals in any sense.

However, I wish to add one additional goal to this list of eight. I would call it ‘Responsible Sex’.

Sex is one human activity that has the potential to affect our collective future in a more profound way many of us would want to care. A good friend of mine (who happens to be a nun by profession) says: if one cannot create, at least one can procreate! While it is well known that good consummating sex keeps a society healthy, energetic and positive to life, wanton practice of it make a huge number of teen-aged girls world over bogged down with unwanted pregnancy at untimely age. Apart from the risk of STDs, this makes a youthful, productive and creative section of population constrained with possible future obstretic complications, psychological trauma and emotional baggage. Medical Termination of Pregnancy is only an ‘end-of-pipe’ cure and reports of suppression of the ‘face losing’ pregnancy, quack-handling of abortions and religious guilt feeling do not help at all. Even when two consenting adults copulate, there is always a probability of ushering in of a new life in this world where teeming billions are competing for consuming finite resources. Sex is fun but it is a responsible fun where its consequences are properly evaluated and taken care of.

I am fully aware that by saying this I run the risk of being dabbed a ‘killjoy’ and a perfect doomsayer (oh my god, can we not f*** in peace?). I am not against sex, hell no, I am no saint myself. But please think about it. If we extend the scope of sex to the inevitable conception and gestation, this is one activity which is heavily and almost unfairly tilted towards the females and females should have a ‘say’ on it. Look at the world and tell me, excepting very few low-population and ‘developed’ countries, do the females have so much of a say on this? I find the idea of ‘safe sex’ a bit hollow in this juncture. Is there anything such as ‘safe sex’? Condoms? Pills? Biologically the idea of sex for procreation is preordained in us, genetically and under great evolutionary pressure. Humans are the only animals having no mating season, no mating territory. ‘Safe sex’ seems to me an oxymoron, playing dangerously with nature with uncertain payoff.

Responsible sex is the need of the day. Depopulation is a hated word to many but just by hating the word our problems do not vanish. One baby per couple can as quickly bring the population back to a bearable level because the exponential function works equally efficiently either way – explosion and implosion. That with a responsible and smart sexual orientation can solve half of our problems. Thailand is an interesting case in point. Still about a decade ago, this country was bogged down with poverty, runaway childbirth rates, high child mortality rates and all population related vices. Thailand being traditionally liberated regarding sex, it almost attained the status of a ‘nursery state’ of the world. Please check here the inspiring talk by Mechai Viravaidya about how Thailand solved the crisis by just bring in a condom revolution. In order for that revolution to happen in Thailand they had condoms ‘blessed’ by holy men and traffic police handing out condoms to traffic violators.

However what was good for Thailand may not necessarily be good for China, India or US. Disposal of condoms is a bit tricky. Most condoms are made of latex, which is moderately bio-degradable, but disposing condoms by flushing through toilets is a big ‘no no’. Firstly because latex does not bio-degrade under water and secondly because they can choke your sewer with embarrassing efficiency. In recently concluded Common Wealth Games in Delhi there had been several instances of sewer chokages by discarded condoms from games village ( looks like it had been one great interracial free for all!). Female condoms are mostly polyurethane which does not bio-degrade at all. Lambskin condoms are bio-degradable but not effective against STDs. So a global condom revolution is fraught with largescale pollution. It remains the challenge for the technologists to find a eco-friendly birth-control device that is cheap, efficient and has a ‘coca-cola’ like reach for common people (everyday there is roughly 1.3 billion servings of coca-cola all over the world).

Sex is a touchy issue. It is an expression of love, commitment, relationship and emotion. When it is such, it is responsible sex. We need to cut the rest as crap. The Climate Change will be sincerely tackled with a sensible population.

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